Scholarship opportunities

I’d like to share here fellowship opportunities – two for journalists and two for students.

Please take note of the deadlines for the submission of applications.

The Jefferson Fellowships offer print and broadcast journalists from the United States, Asia and the Pacific Islands the unique opportunity to gain on-the-ground perspectives and build international networks to enhance their reporting through an intensive one-week education and dialogue seminar at the East-West Center in Honolulu followed by two weeks of study tour travel in the Asia Pacific-U.S. region.
Jefferson Fellowship East West Center
The theme of this year’s Jefferson Fellowships Program is “The Future of Growth in Asia Pacific” and fellows will be travelling to Honolulu, Hawaii; Beijing & Guiyang, China; Tokyo & Fukuoka-Kitakyushu, Japan.

Fellowship Dates: April 30-May 22, 2016

Who Can Apply: Working print, broadcast, and on-line journalists in the United States, Asia and the Pacific Islands. Five years of experience preferred. English fluency required. Complete applications must be submitted by Friday, January 29, 2016 by: E-mail: jefferson@eastwestcenter.org or Fax: 808-944-7600

For more information on the fellowship, please visit: http://www.eastwestcenter.org/seminars-and-journalism-fellowships/journalism-fellowships/jefferson-fellowships
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The Taipei Economic and Cultural Office (TECO) in the Philippines announced two scholarships open to Filipino students.
TECO
One is the Ministry of Education scholarship offered specifically to qualified international students who wish to pursue their higher education in Taiwan.

Two recipients of the Taiwan MOE Scholarships will be selected this year to pursue their post-graduate studies (Master Degree or Doctoral Degree) in Taiwan universities of their choice. The program duration is 2 years for students of the Master Program and 4 years for Doctoral Program. The Republic of Taiwan MOE awards each recipient NTD 40, 000 per semester to cover the tuition fee. Recipients will receive an extra monthly subsistence allowance of NTD 20,000 to cover other expenses.

Applicant must meet all of the criteria as stated in the scholarship guidelines posted in the Taiwan MOE’s website as follows: https://taiwanscholarship.moe.gov.tw. Application form and list of requirements are also available at the MOE website. Application period is open from February 1 to March 31, 2016. Applicants must send completed application form and relevant documents to TECO in the Philippines before March 31, 2016.

For more information regarding the requirements and the application process, prospective applicants may call 887-6688 ext. 141 or visit TECO’s website at http://www.roc-taiwan.org/ph.

The other is the 2016 International Higher Education Scholarship Program (IHESP) sponsored by the Taiwan’s International Cooperation and Development Fund (Taiwan ICDF).

The application period is from January 1 to March 18, 2016. The IHESP is in partnership with 20 Universities in Taiwan and offers 23 different graduate or PhD programs conducted entirely in English.

The IHESP enables talented young citizens to come to Taiwan to pursue their higher education and study relevant courses that are specifically designed to address key development issues. These courses focus on the development needs of our partner countries by addressing issues such as tropical agriculture, aquatic, sciences, business administration, information technology, human resource development, medicine and public health, or various fields of engineering. The IHESP aims to boost social development and economic growth by generating a pool of quality human resources.

The IHESP provides each recipient with full financial support for tuition, living expenses, economic class roundtrip air tickets, credit fees, insurance, textbook costs and monthly stipend during the duration of educational program in Taiwan. Each recipient receives a monthly stipend of NT$15,000(Php 20,500) in Master Program and NT$17,000(Php21, 900) in PhD Program respectively.

For the complete application procedure, please visit http://www.icdf.org.tw/ct.asp?xItem=12505&CtNode=30316&mp=2
Please take note that intended applicants must submit their complete and duly authenticated application package to the TECO in the Philippines for preliminary screening no later than March 18, 2016. For any further query regarding the scholarship matters, applicants can contact Mr. Eric Chen by phone at (02)887-6688 ext. 106 or by email at ccchen07@mofa.gov.tw.
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Road Safety logo
VERA Files is reiterating its invitation to journalists from print and broadcast media, free-lance writers and bloggers based in Metro Manila and Luzon to participate in a Road Safety Journalism Fellowship.

Applicants may send their updated CVs (no more than two pages), two samples of published articles/video clips, a letter of endorsement from an editor or producer, and a completed application form to roadsafety@verafiles.org or roadsafetyph@gmail.com.
Deadline: January 31, 2016

Beneficiaries seek accounting of MMFF funds

Metro Manila Film Festival

Text and photos Maria Feona Imperial

VERA Files

(First of two parts)
Movies featuring the country’s most popular stars—including presidential sister Kris Aquino, comedian Vice Ganda, screen favorites John Lloyd Cruz and Jennylyn Mercado, and young love team Alden Richards and Maine Mendoza—are likely to make the 2015 Metro Manila Film Festival another smash hit, possibly raking in much more than last year’s almost P1 billion earnings.

But government auditors and MMFF critics say proceeds from the festival, in dwindling amounts, are not reaching their intended beneficiaries on time, and that an accounting of the festival proceeds is long overdue.

MMFF officials, on the other hand, say the festival is a private undertaking not covered by government audit rules and regulations, even if it is run by the Metro Manila Development Authority (MMDA).

The main issue is the amusement tax collected from Metro Manila theater owners who screen only MMFF entries for 10 days from Dec. 25 until Jan. 5. For that period, the local government units waive amusement taxes in favor of movie industry beneficiaries.

But the MMFF has still to remit some P108 million in amusement tax revenues to its intended beneficiaries. Of that amount, P82,787,440 is from proceeds from the 2002 to 2008 festivals, according to a special audit of the Commission on Audit in 2009. Also still unremitted is some P26 million for the years 2009 to 2013.

Last month, actor and Film Academy of the Philippines (FAP) president Leo Martinez asked chairman Emerson Carlos of the MMDA, which administers the MMFF, to comply with the findings of the 2009 COA audit.

“All that the FAP is asking is for the MMFF Philippines (MMFF-P) Executive Committee to comply with these findings,” Martinez wrote in a letter dated Nov. 9.

FAP is one of four agencies supposed to share half of the MMFF proceeds. It is supposed to get 20 percent, the Motion Picture Anti-Piracy Council another 20 percent, the Film Development Council of the Philippines 5 percent, and the government-run Optical Media Board 5 percent.

The other half is supposed to go to the Movie Workers Welfare Fund (Mowelfund), a 5,000-member nonprofit organization founded by former actor and producer, former president and now Manila mayor Joseph Estrada for the welfare of workers in the movie industry.

As of a week ago, beneficiaries like the FAP had still not received last year’s tax revenues in full. Martinez said the MMDA still has a balance of P1 million for MMFF 2014.

Film Academy Director-General Leo Martinez criticizes the MMDA for not responding to allegations of mishandling of MMFF funds.

Film Academy Director-General Leo Martinez criticizes the MMDA for not responding to allegations of mishandling of MMFF funds.

While the law requires the MMDA to distribute the proceeds 20 days after the last day of the film festival, Mowelfund education director Edgardo Vinarao said the foundation has been receiving the money in installments, and in lesser amounts, even if the MMFF’s earnings have been increasing yearly.

“Why is it that while the MMFF gross ticket sales are growing, the amount received by the beneficiaries is decreasing?” Vinarao said.

The answer apparently lies in the fact that the MMFF can make up the rules as it goes along, and that year after year, those rules can change. In 2013, for example, the MMFF created a rule allowing the festival organizers to utilize the amusement tax before it is distributed to beneficiaries.

“All amusement taxes, other than non-tax revenues shall form part of the MMFF fund, and shall be released to the designated beneficiaries after deducting all the operational and incidental expenses of the MMFF,” says what is called Rule 10 of the MMFF 2013.

MMFF executive committee member Dominic Du said 75 percent of the money collected is given to the beneficiaries. Around 20 percent is allotted for the prizes and 5 percent to augment operating expenses.

The MMFF’s expenses include holding the Awards Night and giving out prizes for, among others, Best Picture, Best Actor and Actress, Best Float, Best Director. Compensation for receptionists and usherettes, and logistical expenses during meetings also form part of the operating costs, Du said.

Rule 10 has been there long ago, he added, but it was only put down in writing in 2013.

When Martinez wrote the MMDA demanding an accounting of MMFF funds, it was the MMFF that responded. A two-page letter signed by MMFF Executive Chairman Jesse Ejercito included the breakdown of expenses for MMFF 2013.

Ejercito said the total Metro Manila tax revenues collected during the 10-day festival amounted to P19.7 million. Only P14 million was released to the beneficiaries. P4.7 million was used for the MMFF awards night, P594,000 for the festival’s operating expenses and P500,000 was donated to typhoon Haiyan victims.

Ejercito also rejected the idea that the FAP had a right to demand an accounting of the MMFF fund.

“Our position is consistent with the law and existing jurisprudence, where the right to demand accounting may be exercised only by the trustors over the trustee (MMFF), which in this case are the Metro Manila local government units (LGUs),” the letter read.

Dominic Du, member of the MMFF Executive Committee said deductions from tax revenues go to prizes and awards that also benefit the film industry.

Dominic Du, member of the MMFF Executive Committee said deductions from tax revenues go to prizes and awards that also benefit the film industry.

Meanwhile for Du, though FAP is one of the beneficiaries or trustors, it doesn’t necessarily have the right to demand accounting.

“If I’m only helping you and you’re only benefitting from what I give you, do you have the right to demand how I spend the money?” Du said.

Martinez finds this unjust, saying any citizen can question and demand an accounting from the MMDA, given that amusement taxes are public funds.

According to Martinez, of the P14 million that was given to the beneficiaries in 2013, 20 percent or P2.8 million was allocated to FAP. The first tranche was P1 million, while the P1.8 million balance was divided into five tranches and given every other month. Martinez said FAP received the last tranche in January 2015—a month after another the festival.

“They are taking advantage of our money. Why would they earn from it? They do not give it immediately even if they already have it 20 days after the last day of the festival,” he said of the MMDA.

For the longest time, the MMDA has not been held accountable for the delayed and incomplete disbursements, Martinez said.

Lawyer Gloria Galanida-Calvario, supervisor of the COA special audit of MMFF funds from 2002 to 2008, said the MMDA should follow the specified distribution scheme for the beneficiaries, which means that the MMDA should not touch the money.

“Under the law, the MMDA is just a trustee,” Calvario said, pertaining to the MMC Executive Order 86-09, the law that created the MMDA’s operation and management of the film festival.

Calvario said Rule 10 defeats the MMFF’s purpose, which is to provide funds for the “benefit of actors, actresses and people who work behind the camera.”

Du and MMFF spokesperson Marichu Maceda said the entire issue is a mere case of conflicting interpretations of the law. Du said the awards are also given to industry players, who can be considered beneficiaries.

“It’s an incentive, to encourage them to do better,” Du said.

Maceda said while these incentives in the form of awards make the festival “more commercial,” she firmly believes that they are needed to make the festival survive.

“That is how we interpret the EO that created the festival. We can deduct from there to give out as rewards to deserving industry people,” Du said. “But the FAP can’t, so let the court decide.”

Du said it is better to wait for the court’s decision on whose interpretation is correct.

Last year, Martinez filed a petition before the Quezon City Regional Trial Court to compel the MMDA to release the P82 million balance of tax revenues. The case hasn’t been moving, and its scheduled hearing on Sept. 19 was canceled due to stormy weather.

The MMFF representatives also maintain they should not be subject to audit by the COA to begin with. Maceda said the Department of Justice considers the MMFF a private entity. “So by law, COA has no authority over private companies,” she said.

“We have our own auditor. COA is to audit only government,” she added.
However, Desiree Aquino, leader of the team who performed the 2009 special audit, said the portion of the funds that is subject to audit is amusement taxes.

Even if MMFF is a private entity, the amusement taxes from the LGUs are government funds, Aquino said.

Beneficiaries question use of MMFF funds

From 2015 MMFF Facebook

(Conclusion)

THE decade 1975 to 1985 could be considered the golden years of the Metro Manila Film Festival, when it produced such classics as Ganito kami noon, paano kayo ngayon by Eddie Romero, Minsa’y isang gamu-gamu by Lupita Kashiwahara, Ina ka ng anak mo by Lino Brocka, Kisapmata by Mike de Leon, Himala by Ishmael Bernal and Brutal by Marilou Diaz-Abaya.

These days, the MMFF is associated with films that recur every year in a seemingly endless loop, at one point featuring the same stars and themes that hardly reflect the original objective: “To encourage quality film production both in substance and in form.”

One of the differences between then and now—aside from the quality of the films produced—is that all the MMFF’s proceeds used to go to the film industry rank and file, benefiting and invigorating the thousands of nameless behind-the-camera workers.

From 1975 to 1985, the sole beneficiary of the MMFF proceeds was the Movie Workers Welfare Fund (Mowelfund), a foundation established in 1974 to provide aid to movie workers “in times of sickness, disability, accident and death.”

Mowelfund’s annual share from the MMFF used to be around P16 million, enabling it not only to provide for its members’ medical and health needs, but also to send at least 10 scholars to prestigious film schools abroad, according to Mowelfund education director Edgardo Vinarao.

The 70-year-old Vinarao considers the 1980s to be the best years of Mowelfund, when it would receive homage from renowned film scholars it sent abroad and from the countless movie workers who had sought financial assistance to send their children to school, their spouses to work, and themselves to the doctor for chronic pains.

Even if the film industry didn’t pay much, he said, Mowelfund was able support thousands of movie workers because funding from the annual MMFF, the highest-earning film festival in the country, was sufficient.

MOWELFUND education director Edgardo Vinarao recalls the difference in the operations of the Mowelfund when it still had sufficient funding from the government.

MOWELFUND education director Edgardo Vinarao recalls the difference in the operations of the Mowelfund when it still had sufficient funding from the government.

Last year, Mowelfund survived on only P6 million from the MMFF, barely enough for the almost 5,000 movie workers who rely on it for health services and other benefits their unstable movie jobs could not provide.

Caught in a tight budget, the seven-story Mowelfund hub in Quezon City is a shell of what is once was, with no homecomings of successful filmmakers taking place and no movie workers paying frequent visits. Only half of the dimly lit building is being used, with some of its office spaces now leased for commercial purposes.

One of the reasons Mowelfund has been getting less from the MMFF over the years is that the festival rules are constantly changing, depending on who sits in the MMFF and the Metro Manila Development Authority.

In recent years, the changing rules have resulted in a smaller allocation to Mowelfund which now shares the proceeds with other film industry groups, and in amounts that have been dwindling.

On top of that, the MMFF fund intended for beneficiaries is also used for other expenses.

The MMFF has two sources of funding: tax revenues or amusement taxes, and non-tax revenues.

Tax revenues come from the amusement taxes theater owners would have normally paid to local government units. But for MMFF’s 10-day run from Dec. 25 to Jan. 5, Metro Manila’s local government units waive the amusement taxes in favor of MMFF beneficiaries.

Under a 2010 directive from the Office of the President, Mowelfund should get half of the collected tax revenues from the MMFF. The remaining half is divided among the Film Academy of the Philippines, 20 percent; Motion Picture Anti-Piracy Council, 20 percent; Film Development Council of the Philippines, 5 percent; and the Optical Media Board, 5 percent.

In recent years, though, these beneficiaries say they have not been getting their full share of tax revenues from the festival, forcing them to hold horseracing contests, fun runs and golf matches to raise funds.

Meanwhile, the MMFF’s non-tax revenues are supposed to come from the bonds, royalties and penalties incurred from participants in the festival.

MMFF executive committee member Dominic Du said the MMFF no longer generates non-tax revenues. In the early years of the festival, he said, contributions, donations and sponsorships were enough to cover operating expenses.

But times have changed. “For the past few years, it’s been difficult. The sales are bad,” Du said.

Because of this, the MMFF is forced to draw on the tax revenues even for its operating costs and prizes, taking from what should go to movie industry beneficiaries.

The Commission on Audit says the MMFF’s tax revenues should be deposited in trust for its beneficiaries and are subject to government audit. The non-tax revenues, meanwhile, are supposed to shoulder the operating costs, prizes and awards.

When a certain film applies for a slot in the festival, its producers are required to pay a certain fee, said MMFF spokespeson Marichu Maceda.

Once selected, every participant must give a bond of P750,000. Should they back out before the festival starts, the amount will be forfeited by the MMFF for “depriving somebody else who could have gotten in of that slot,” Maceda said.

Created by President Ferdinand Marcos in 1975 to foster “cultural awakening under the New Society” during the martial law years, the festival was first called the Metropolitan Film Festival, and was timed for around Sept. 21, the anniversary of the declaration of martial law.

The festival was organized “in recognition of the value and importance of the local movie industry in the overall developmental effort for the country, a fitting celebration to encourage quality film production both in substance and in form, as well as provide incentives to the performing artists and the technicians in the industry,” according to Proclamation 1533, one of the many edicts Marcos issued in relation to the film festival.

The proclamation also created an executive committee that would oversee the festival, which eventually came under the Metro Manila Commission (MMC).

The MMC had legislative and regulatory functions in the then newly constituted Metro Manila area, with former first lady Imelda Marcos as governor, and the late Ismael Mathay as vice-governor. It would be later renamed the Metro Manila Film Festival, and would go through many evolutions through the different presidential orders issued in relation to it.

MMFF spokesperson Marichu Maceda says the entire issue boils down to who wants to run the film festival.

MMFF spokesperson Marichu Maceda says the entire issue boils down to who wants to run the film festival.

In 1990, Marcos’ successor, Corazon Aquino, renamed MMC to MMDA. IN 1995, Congress enacted Republic Act 7924 creating the present MMDA, an administrative unit governing the towns and cities of Metro Manila. The MMDA has since implemented and organized the MMFF.

The constantly changing MMFF rules have resulted in an inconsistency in delivering proceeds to intended beneficiaries, and in what is believed to be the use of the MMFF fund for other purposes. At one point in 2009, Sen. Jinggoy Estrada even delivered a privilege speech exposing how part of the MMFF fund allegedly went to then MMDA chairman Bayani Fernando as cash gift for his birthday.

The unending controversies over the MMFF have prompted calls for the transfer of the festival’s management to Mowelfund from the MMDA. In the 15th and 16th Congresses, Estrada and other lawmakers filed bills giving Mowelfund control of the festival. These bills have not been approved.

MMFF spokesperson Marichu Maceda said private entities like Mowelfund can’t do it alone.

“There have always been groups within the movie industry who feel that it is they who should be running the festival,” she said. “What they don’t know is that you will need the influence of the government to run this successfully.”

Maceda said the role of the MMDA in the festival is crucial, especially in seeking cooperation among Metro Manila mayors in the donation of amusement taxes.

She also said the “biggest stakeholders” of the festival are the theater owners and producers. “We cannot run this fest without the cooperation of theater owners. You have to be on good terms with theater owners, otherwise, you can be pulled out from the festival,” she said.

However, FAP president Leo Martinez said the festival has long been under the control of theater owners and producers who make the most profit.

For the next two weeks, Filipino films will again dominate the screens in Metro Manila. But for the nameless ones who helped put them there, the movie workers in charge of the dirty work, it is a question of when their plight would take center stage—or if it ever will.

“It’s pitiful how those who are hoping for benefits do not get them,” said Vinarao. “At a time when the nation is impoverished, the film industry is earning much. Why don’t they give it to the poor?”

(VERA Files is put out by veteran journalists taking a deeper look into current issues. Vera is Latin for “true.”)

PH and China dispute to continue despite U.N. Tribunal case

By Ellen T Tordesillas and Tessa Jamandre, VERA Files

Permanent  Court of Arbitration, The Hague. The Arbitral Tribunal starts hearing today the case filed by the Philippines vs China in this building.

Permanent Court of Arbitration, The Hague. The Arbitral Tribunal starts hearing today the case filed by the Philippines vs China in this building.

Despite the presence of a high-level Philippine team at the hearing of the Philippines’ case against China before the Arbitral Tribunal of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) this week, the issue of who owns the contested islands in the South China Sea will remain unresolved.

That’s because the Philippine team won’t be arguing its territorial claims, which are not under the jurisdiction of the Arbitral Tribunal in The Hague in the Netherlands.

“We are very confident that we can convince the court that this is not about ownership of land,” said former solicitor general now Supreme Court justice Francis Jardeleza, who is part of the Philippine team.

Instead, the Philippines merely wants the Tribunal, which interprets UNCLOS, to invalidate China’s 9-dash line claim over the South China Sea.

Territorial claims are the jurisdiction of another body, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and the ICJ only entertains cases if all parties in the dispute participate. China has refused to do so.

But although the Philippines is not arguing about who owns what in the South China Sea, its arguments have been misconstrued as such. Jardeleza, in fact, said, “For example, we’re not asking the court to say who owns Panatag shoal. We are arguing that they are within our EEZ and therefore under the rules of UNCLOS we have exclusive rights to fish within that area.”

It is this posturing by the Philippines that China calls sly and cunning. Although saying it is not making a territorial claim before the Tribunal, the Philippines’ words practically establish ownership of islands and areas, the Chinese government said.

Map from Senior Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio's power point presentation

Map from Senior Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio’s power point presentation

In its position paper submitted in December 2014, China said, “The Philippines has cunningly packaged its case in the present form.”

“This contrived packaging, however, fails to conceal the very essence of the subject-matter of the arbitration, namely, the territorial sovereignty over certain maritime features in the South China Sea,” China’s position paper adds.

The hearing at The Hague this week, however, comes at time of heightened tensions between the two countries, with China speeding up the reclamation of disputed islands in the South China Sea, even building on those the Philippines claims as part of its territory.

The top-level team of Philippine government officials preparing to face the Tribunal is composed of two Supreme Court justices, the leaders of Congress, and the secretaries of foreign affairs and justice, as well as the executive secretary.

The team includes Senior Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio, who has been delivering lectures on the South China Sea conflict, and Jardeleza, who was solicitor general when the Philippines first submitted its memorandum to Tribunal on March 30, 2014. A memorandum is called a memorial in international law.

Also in the team are Senate president Franklin Drilon, House speaker Feliciano Belmonte, foreign affairs secretary Albert del Rosario, justice secretary Leila de Lima, and executive secretary Paquito Ochoa.

Leading the Philippine legal team are solicitor general Florin Hilbay and Paul Reichler, a Washington-based lawyer, who are expected to tell the Tribunal that the Philippines’ arbitration case against China is solely a maritime dispute and does not involve any territorial conflict.

The Philippines, in all its submissions to the Arbitral Tribunal, emphasized that it does not seek a determination on which party enjoys sovereignty over any of the insular features claimed by both but has confined itself to raising claims that require the interpretation or application of UNCLOS.

The Philippine has asked the Court not to “bifurcate” or divide in two parts the jurisdiction aspect and the merits of the case.

“There’s so much tactical advantage to that procedure because we are very strong on the merits and by discussing the merits more and more you gain an advantage hoping to convince the tribunal that they should take the case and rule that they have jurisdiction,” Jardeleza said.

Last April, the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) that acts as a registry in the UNCLOS dispute settlement procedure, announced the hearing on the Arbitral Tribunal’s jurisdiction in the Philippine case versus China would be held July 7 to 13.

If the team is unable to convince the Tribunal, “that’s the end,” said Foreign Affairs Spokesperson Charles Jose.

But if the Tribunal rules it has jurisdiction, “It’s almost an 80 per cent chance of winning the case,” said lawyer Harry Roque, director of the University of the Philippines Law Center’s Institute of international Legal Studies.

China’s Dec. 7, 2014 position paper states: “The Philippines’ claims is in essence one of territorial sovereignty over several maritime features in the South China Sea, which is beyond the scope of the Convention and does not concern the interpretation or application of the Convention. Consequently, the Arbitral Tribunal has no jurisdiction over the claims of the Philippines for arbitration.”

Roque said the UNCLOS dispute settlement procedure is limited to “interpretation and application of the UNCLOS.”

“It is not involved in matters of sovereignty,” he said.

Carpio explained in one of his lectures on the South China Sea conflict, “The Philippines is asking the tribunal if China’s 9-dash lines can negate the Philippines’ 200 nautical mile exclusive economic zone as guaranteed under UNCLOS.”

“The Philippines is also asking the tribunal if certain rocks above water at high tide, like Scarborough Shoal, generate a 200 NM EEZ or only a 12 NM territorial sea. The Philippines is further asking the tribunal if China can appropriate low-tide elevations (LTEs), like Mischief Reef and Subi Reef, within the Philippines’ EEZ. These disputes involve the interpretation or application of the provisions of UNCLOS,” Carpio added.

Jardeleza said, “Our claim is a very narrow one, land dominates the sea. This is not a case about land; this is a case about the maritime waters which is perfectly under UNCLOS.”

The PH legal team is expected to justify its decision to seek compulsory dispute settlement after it has exhausted the negotiation tack, both bilateral and multilateral as required by UNCLOS.

China insisted in its position paper that “disputes between the two States shall be resolved through negotiations and there shall be no recourse to arbitration or other compulsory procedures.”

The team is also expected to tell the Tribunal that talks between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China on the Code of Conduct on the South China Sea is inadequate, as its objective is to promote peace and stability in the region by coming up with a code on how claimants should conduct themselves pending resolution of the dispute.

Aside from Hilbay and Reichler, other members of the Philippine legal team are British law professors Philippe Sands and Alan Boyle and Bernard Oxman from the University of Miami’s Law school.

The five-member Arbitral Tribunal is chaired by Judge Thomas A. Mensah of Ghana. The other Members are Judge Jean-Pierre Cot of France, Judge Stanislaw Pawlak of Poland, Professor Alfred Soons of the Netherlands, and Judge Rüdiger Wolfrum of Germany.

(VERA Files is put out by veteran journalists taking a deeper look at current issues. Vera is Latin for “true.”)

PH, Vietnam to hold naval drills, scientific research in South China Sea


By Tessa Jamandre and Ellen Tordesillas

VERA Files

President Aquino  and Vietnam President Truong Tan Sang met during the  2014  APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Beijing, China . (Malacañang Photo Bureau)

President Aquino and Vietnam President Truong Tan Sang met during the 2014 APEC Leaders’ Meeting in Beijing, China . (Malacañang Photo Bureau)

The Philippines and Vietnam have agreed to conduct joint naval drills and scientific studies amid concerns over China’s intensified reclamations in the South China Sea.

The planned activities are part of the soon-to-be signed “Joint Statement on the Establishment of a Strategic Partnership between the Republic of the Philippines and the Socialist Republic of Vietnam,” a copy of which was obtained by VERA Files.

In the strategic partnership agreement, which is considered a final draft until it is signed, the Philippines and Vietnam “reaffirm their commitment to resolve territorial and jurisdictional disputes by peaceful means, as well as to the freedom of navigation in and over flight above the SCS (South China Sea) all in accordance with universally recognized principles of international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).”

The section on Defense, Security, Judicial and Law Enforcement Cooperation states that the two countries agree to make full use of existing joint mechanisms and agreements to intensify cooperation between their armed services.

“To this end, joint confidence- and-capacity-building activities will be conducted leading to the eventual holding of actual joint exercises between the two navies,” paragraph 16 of the agreement said.

In the section on Maritime and Ocean Affairs Cooperation, the two countries agreed to “conduct joint scientific studies in the South China Sea.”

Once signed, Vietnam becomes the Philippines’ first strategic partner in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations among South China Sea claimants. So far the Philippines has strategic partnership agreements with only two countries: the United States and Japan.

Vietnam, which initiated agreement, had wanted it signed in Hanoi either before or after the April 26 and 27 summit of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Kuala Lumpur. But since President Aquino’s schedule could not accommodate a visit to Vietnam this month, the Department of Foreign Affairs is working on a May or June signing.

Vietnam proposed the strategic partnership when Foreign Secretary Albert Del Rosario paid a courtesy call on Vietnamese President Truong Tan Sang in 2011. Sang said at the time he hoped the bilateral relations “will grow from a multi-faceted relationship to a comprehensive one, with a view towards a strategic partnership.”
Del Rosario replied that the Philippines defines a strategic partnership as “one that is deep and nurtured over the years and can be counted upon.”

Aquino and Sang agreed to forge the strategic partnership during a bilateral meeting at the sidelines of the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit in Beijing last November.

The Philippines and Vietnam are two of the six claimants in the South China Sea. Vietnam, China and Taiwan claim almost the whole of the area while the Philippines claims a part of the Spratly islands. Malaysia and Brunei also claim portions of the South China Sea, a navigation route for 40 percent of global trade.
In the Strategic Partnership Accord, the Philippines and Vietnam agreed not to occupy uninhabited islands in the disputed areas.

China reclamation and construction in Fiery Cross Reef April 2015

China reclamation and construction in Fiery Cross Reef April 2015

They reaffirmed their commitments to resolve difference in a “constructive manner without resorting to the threat or use of force.”

The two countries also restated their commitment to “to exercise self-restraint in the conduct of activities that would complicate or escalate disputes and affect peace and stability including, among others, refraining from actions of inhabiting on the presently uninhabited islands, reefs, shoals, cays and other features.”

The agreement does not mention developments on islands and reefs the Philippines and Vietnam already inhabit.
The Philippines has protested China’s reclamations in several reefs. Last week, leaders of the G7 countries—France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, Japan, the United States and Canada—expressed concern over China’s reclamations.

The agreement said the “timing and modalities” of the joint naval drills would be “the subject of future discussion.”

The Philippine and Vietnam navies have so far only held friendly sports events in the South China Sea. They kicked off with football, volleyball and tug-of-war games on Vietnam-held Pugad Island (Southwest cay) in June 2014. Another one will be held this year on the Philippines’ Pagasa (Thitu) island.

In 2004, the Philippines and Vietnam, together with China, undertook the Joint Marine Seismic Undertaking (JMSU) over a large portion of the South China Sea prior to a trilateral development.

Bayan Muna partylist questioned the undertaking’s legality before the Supreme Court, and the case remains unresolved.

The Strategic Partnership agreement said the two countries would “revisit and update the Agreement on Maritime Merchant Shipping signed in 1992 and in partnership with the Philippines Department of Environment and Natural Resources under its Sustainable Coral Reef Ecosystem Management Program, strengthen governance of marine protected areas through eco-tourism, cooperation in marine ecosystem and biodiversity conservation.”

Vietnam and the Philippines had previously undertaken joint scientific studies in the South China Sea through the Joint Oceanographic Marine Scientific Research Expedition (JOMSRE) that covered the South China Sea. The four JOMSRE-SCS scientific cruises that began in 1996 up until 2007 included visits to islands occupied by both countries in the disputed islands.

Scientists who participated in the JOMSRE recommended the establishment of a marine protected area that would be formally designated as a transborder marine peace park.

Phase 2 of JOMSRE sought an enhanced level of ocean governance joint cooperation in the South China Sea to include China and other ASEAN countries.

The cooperation did not take off even after three preparatory meetings held alternately in China, Vietnam and the Philippines because of unresolved issues such as the research expedition route and late objections that were political in nature.

The Philippines has asked the United Nations Arbitral Court to nullify China’s nine-dash line map that covers almost the whole of South China Sea. Vietnam has not joined the case, but it submitted to the U.N. tribunal a position paper underscoring that the court has jurisdiction on the Philippine case and that the decision would help clarify legal issues on the conflict.

VERA Files is put out by veteran journalists taking a deeper look at current issues. Vera is Latin for “true.”

Click here for the copy of agreement:verafiles-ph-vietnam-partnership

Centerlaw: Documents belie De Lima’s claim of misinformation

Statement of the Prof. Harry L. Roque Jr., chair of the Center for International Law (Centerlaw), an NGO dedicated to the promotion of binding international legal norms in the Philippines and Asia:

Atty. Harry Roque

Atty. Harry Roque

“We take exception to the veiled threat in the statement made yesterday by Secretary Leila De Lima that the Vera Files special report on a recent Note Verbale given by the Philippines to Malaysia over the Spratlys islands concerned a confidential matter that should have been kept as it is.

“In the first place, our Justice Secretary should be first to know that such a threat is in the nature of prior restraint with a chilling effect on speech, as held by the Supreme Court in the case filed by the late former Solicitor General Francisco Chavez against a predecessor of hers at the DOJ, the late Raul Gonzales.

“A mere press statement of a threat of prosecution coming from a government functionary, according to this 2008 Supreme Court decision, is unconstitutional precisely for that reason.

“As a former head of the Commission on Human Rights, we expect her to understand that Vera Files is simply doing what journalists ought to do well: report on matters of public interest, especially one where the integrity of the national territory of the Philippines is at stake, so that the citizens are properly apprised of the issues involved.

“The documents unearthed by Verafiles in its journalistic sleuthing are clear enough and also belie Secretary De Lima’s claim of disinformation.

“Note Verbale No. 15-1979 sent to Malaysia, the basis of VERA Files’ story, stated that it is offering a review of the Aug. 4, 2009 protest (No. 000819) it filed with the United Nations. The Philippines’ August 2009 protest, contained in two pages, singles out North Borneo or the old name of Sabah.

“In this Protest, the Philippines took issue with an earlier joint submission by Vietnam and Malaysia for the extended continental shelf because it “lays claims on areas that are disputed not only because they overlap with that of the Philippines, but also because of the controversy arising from the territorial claims on some of the islands in the area including North Borneo.

“The 2009 Protest clearly disputed Malaysia’s use of North Borneo (the old name of Sabah subject of the Philippine territorial claim), as reference points for its baselines in determining the reach of its claim to an extended continental shelf.

“Had the Philippines kept silent on this joint submission, it would have meant that the Philippines has implicitly consented to the use of Sabah as a reference point for Malaysia’s extended continental shelf claim, which is another way of saying that we are recognizing Malaysia’s ownership over Sabah.

The Note Verbale offers a Philippine review of its 2009 Protest if Malaysia agrees to two requests related to the South China Sea conflicting territorial claims.

The first request is for Malaysia to “confirm” that its claim of an extended continental shelf is “entirely from the mainland coast of Malaysia, and not from any of the maritime features in the Spratly islands.”

The DFA also requested Malaysia to confirm that it “does not claim entitlement to maritime areas beyond 12 nautical miles from any of the maritime features in the Spratly islands it claims.”

The offer by the Philippines of a review of its 2009 Protest is diplomatese for a quid pro quo arrangement. It appears to intimate that if Malaysia agreed to the proposal, the Philippines will withdraw or at least revise its Protest to the joint submission. In either case, it will clearly amount to a dilution, as Vera Files would put it, of our claim to Sabah.

This is without doubt a matter of the public interest. As the Vera Files story underlines, a matter as important as a big part of the Philippine national territory enshrined in the 1987 Constitution should not be bargained away by a mere Note Verbale without so much as a public discussion on its implications.”