The droning question

We are reprinting this article of Sarah Hartley originally titled “Drones in Media Bring New Perspectives, Ethical Issues,” originally published in Contributoria and reprinted with permission on the website of the Global Investigative Journalism Network.

DRONES. Even the word has something of menace about it. A mechanical wasp, hovering with some sort of malevolent intent, operated by remote distant operators with unknown levels of compassion. Or at least that’s how TV shows such asHomeland portray the armed type of drone, a weapon of war that has little in common with these new tools of journalism aside from a shared abbreviated and catchy name. The regular use of the term to describe flying cameras probably owes more to the macho eagerness of the journalism world to adopt a military-like word than it is an accurate description of the technology.

Click on the photo to continue reading the article on the GIJN website.

Photo from GIJN website

Photo from GIJN website

VIDEO: The ‘promised land’

ALMA Ravina is a second generation coconut farmer in Bondoc Peninsula, Quezon province. Since last year, she already owns the land their family have been toiling for years—well, at least that’s what it says on paper.

On May 15, 2015, the collective might of the Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR), Commission on Human Rights (CHR), Department of Social Welfare and Development (DSWD), Department of Justice (DOJ), and the National Anti-Poverty Commission (NAPC) plus the Philippine National Police (PNP), and Philippine Army failed to install Luzara and other agrarian reform beneficiaries (ARBs) in Hacienda Matias in San Francisco, Bondoc Peninsula.

Hacienda Matias — whose former owners are Michael Gil Matias and Cenen F. Matias Jr — is a coconut plantation that spans an area of 1,715.983 hectares.

Of the 283 ARBs, 69 members of KMBP need to be installed, or to be physically placed on their farm lot. This is because they were driven out of their farm lots by the hired armed goons of the Matiases. Some of them live near the shore of Sibuyan Sea, while the others managed to build makeshift shelters on the mountain slopes in the margins of Hacienda Matias.

For some curious reason, both the police and army could not hurdle the main gate of Hacienda Matias and effectively install the ARBs that day.

Curious, too, that a memo order, dated May 20, 2015, of Police Director Ricardo Cornejo Marquez of the PNP Directorate for Operations to “establish PNP detachment within the hacienda, escort the DAR personnel and ARBs/farmers in installing the latter to their awarded lands, conduct regular patrol within the hacienda, and implement other appropriate interventions to ensure/maintain peace and order in the area” could not be implemented by the Quezon PNP Regional Command.

DAR Secretary Virgilio de los Reyes, had texted the request for a PNP detachment inside the hacienda because “installation is futile if the area is not guarded by PNP once installed by DAR.”

Ravina is among the 283 CLOA holders in Hacienda Matias.

This video short tells their story.

‘Include FOI in short-list’

By Cong B. Corrales

NOW that the House Committee of Public Information has filed its report on the Freedom of Information (FOI) bill to the Office of the Secretary General, the bill’s authors are urging the House leadership for “extraordinary will” to calendar it for sponsorship at the soonest time possible.

In a briefing, Wednesday, Public Infomation Chair Rep. Jorge T. Almonte told reporters that they formally submitted their report (Committee Report No. 746) alongside the substitute bill (House Bill 5801) last Monday, May 25. After this, he added, the bill will go to the Committee on Rules for calendaring in the plenary session.

The bill, Almonte said, consolidates 23 FOI bills filed in Congress which includes the version filed by the Right to Know, Right Now! (R2KRN) Coalition through Direct Initiative.

FOI authors collectively made an appeal, in the briefing, to House Speaker Feliciano R. Belmonte Jr and Majority Floor Leader Neptali Gonzales II to include the bill in its “shortest list of priority bills.”

Earlier, R2KRN convenor Nepomuceno Malaluan expressed concern that the bill may again be passed over especially since the election year is drawing near.

This video short features excerpts of the House Committee on Public Information briefing on the Freedom of Information Bill.

In an interview after the briefing, Ifugao Rep. Teddy B. Baguilat Jr said he shares the concern of FOI advocates that there may not be enough time since the FOI bill is just one of 24 priority bills that will have to be considered before Congress adjourns.

“We are aware na pagdating na ng October, once people file their certificate of candidacies mas mahirap na humagilap ng kongresista sa plenary. Kung makipagsalaran ka doon, medyo nakakatakot nga,” Baguilat said.

“That’s why the need for an extraordinary will or decision ng House leadership na pabilisin yung proseso. We are not saying we will not follow the process. Kahit sponsorship lang before the sine die adjournment,” he added.

“I’m sure with the remaining months left in our terms there’s going to be a mad-scramble to have all of our pet bills approved.”

Meanwhile, Parañaque City Rep. Gus S. Tambunting appealed not only to the House leadership but also to his colleagues “across party lines” to support the committee report.

“This is a dream come true. Dalawang dekada na hong naghihintay ang taumbayan para po maaprubahan itong FOI bill,” Tambunting said.

For her part, Ang Nars Partylist Rep. Leah S. Paquiz hopes that her colleagues in the partylist system will vote for the approval of the FOI committee report in the plenary since the measure is all about “transparency.”

As for Almonte, he remains hopeful that the House leadership will pass the measure into law before the 16th Congress ends.

“I do believe in miracles but I know that it will not take a miracle to pass this law,” said Almonte.

How to build a dynasty

IN 2007, political scientist Julio Tehankee wrote that the two houses of the Philippine Congress have practically been home for at least 160 families over the last century.

“These families have had two or more members who have served in Congress, and they account for nearly 424 of the 2,407 men and women who have been elected to the national legislature from 1907 to 2004,” Tehankee wrote in the article “And the clans play on.”

More than 20 years after the People Power Revolution that toppled a dictatorship in 1986, the clans persist in the Philippines. In fact, Tehankee observed:

“Political clans have been an enduring feature of Philippine politics. In the upcoming local and congressional contests, that will remain to be so. Majority of these families or clans, in fact, take their roots from local politics. Generally considered as a grouping within the elites of society, the political clan is basically composed of a family and its network of relations that actively pursues elective or appointive political office at the local and/or national level. In many cases, the clan has also managed to maintain power through generations.”

But how are clans built?

Jejomar Binay

IT’S ALL in the family for the Binays. Philippine Vice-President Jejomar Binay and three of his children are in government. Nancy is a senator, Mar-Len Abigail is a representative, and Junjun is a city mayor| HLURB Photo

PCIJ founding executive director Sheila S. Coronel explored this issue in 2007 and came up with a summary of seven factors upon which dynasties are built.

Money, machine, media and/or movies, marriage, murder and mayhem, myth, and mergers are the seven Ms, the required elements for a dynasty to endure.

1. MONEY

The families that endure and survive political upheaval are more likely to be those that have a sustainable economic base to finance their participation in electoral battles. Philippine elections are costly — a congressional campaign in 2004, according to campaign insiders, could have cost up to P30 million in Metro Manila. In rural areas, the price tag is much less: P10 million on average, although campaigns can be run for P3 million or less in smaller districts where the competition is not too intense.

The investment may be worth it, as the rates of return can be high, depending on how well congressional office is exploited. Historically, families have been able to use their positions to expand their landholdings or their business empires, using their preferential access to privileges from the state — loans, franchises, monopolies, tax exemptions, cheap foreign exchange, subsidies, etc. These privileges have made political families wealthy, in turn allowing them to assemble formidable election machines that guarantee victory at the polls. The most successful families are those able to establish business empires not solely dependent on government largesse. They must also be competent enough to run these businesses well, allowing their members to survive electoral defeat and political ignominy.

In Landlords and Capitalists, political scientist Temario Rivera found that 87 families controlled the top 120 manufacturing companies from 1964-1986. Sixteen of these families — about 20 percent of the total — were involved in politics. Most of them were members of the landowning elite that emerged during the 19th century, including the Aranetas, the Cojuangcos, the Jacintos, the Madrigals, and the Yulos. “Through government influence,” writes Rivera, “landed capitalists caused the diversion of state resources to traditional elite economic activities like sugar and coconut milling, limiting further industrial diversification.”

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FORMER FIRST LADY IMELDA R. MARCOS. More than 20 years after the EDSA People Power that toppled his husband's rule, the Marcoses are still in power | Photo by Lilen Uy

FORMER FIRST LADY IMELDA R. MARCOS. More than 20 years after the EDSA People Power that toppled his husband’s rule, the Marcoses are still in power | Photo by Lilen Uy

Brazilian reporter beheaded

We are reposting this article originally titled “Brazilian investigative journalist beheaded” and first published on the website of the International Press Institute on May 21, 2015.

By Elena Pramesberger, IPI Contributor

VIENNA, May 21, 2015 – A Brazilian reporter who had been investigating a child prostitution ring was found decapitated in the south-eastern state of Minas Gerais on Monday.

The body of Evany José Metzker, 67, was discovered in the town of Padre Paraíso five days after he went missing. According to Opens external link in new windownews reports, the journalist’s body showed signs of physical violence and was found with his hands tied, while his head was discovered in a ditch 100 meters away. Several personal belongings, including various documents, his wallet and wedding ring were found nearby.

State police officials have reportedly established Metzker’s work as a possible motive for his murder, but have not ruled out other motives. Metzker was a well-known investigative journalist in the area and ran the blog “Coruja do Vale” (engl.: Owl of the Valley), which regularly reported cases of corruption and was often viewed as critical of the government and police. According to the local newspaper Estado de Minas, Metzker had recently been investigating a child prostitution gang that was allegedly active in Catuji, Minas Gerais.

Click on the photo to continue reading the article on the IPI website.

Beheaded reporter