Foley and the folly of war

By Ed D. Lingao

Ed D. Lingao was right smack in Baghdad, Iraq when the United States unleashed its “shock and awe” campaign during Operation Iraqi Freedom to bring down then President Saddam Hussein. He was also deployed in Afghanistan where he and his team were held up by armed men, and has also covered wars in the southern Philippine region of Mindanao. He prefers to call himself as a journalist who “had some experience covering conflict here and abroad, made many many mistakes along the way, and still learning every day” but does not remember how many wars he has covered because to him, the country seems to be “in a state of perpetual war interspersed with brief periods of peace talks.”

He has moved from print to broadcast to multimedia over his 27-year career, won the Marshall McLuhan Award, the Red Cross Award for Humanitarian Reporting, and is an Outstanding Alumnus of the University of the Philippines. The murder of American photojournalist James Foley has brought to the fore once more the dangers for journalists covering conflict. Foley is not the first nor the only reporter killed in the line of duty. In the Philippines, 32 journalists and media workers were killed in November 23, 2009 while covering a simple event – the filing of a certificate of candidacy by a gubernatorial candidate in the province of Maguindanao.

In the United States, a debate is raging after policemen arrested some journalists covering the protests triggered by the killing of a civilian by policemen in the city of Ferguson, Missouri. Amid these interesting, and fatal, developments for the press, Ed Lingao shares with us his thoughts.

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IN NOVEMBER 2010, Marie Catherine Colvin of The Sunday Times stood before mourners at the St. Bride’s Church in London’s famous Fleet Street to talk about two things that seem to run in direct conflict with each other: the danger of covering wars, and the urgent need to cover wars. The venue could not have been more appropriate, and the occasion all the more so. It was a religious service for journalists who have died covering conflict since 2000.

St. Bride’s is also known as the journalists’ church, with a link that goes back three or more centuries with the first printing press in Fleet Street being setup in the church courtyard. Many journalists have tied the knot there, and many a newspaperman would go there to seek succor after dealing with evil editors or senseless reporters.

Then there was Colvin herself. Photos taken from the memorial show Colvin at the lectern, stern and grim-faced, dressed simply in a black dress offset with pearls. She glares at the camera with her one good eye; the other is an empty socket, covered with a leather eyepatch that presents a stark contrast to her fair but weathered face and dirty blond hair.

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MARIE COLVIN | Image from http://www.badassoftheweek.com/

Eyepatch? Those who appreciate the newspaper and the written word know Colvin as a war reporter’s war reporter, a newspaperwoman who has jumped from war zone to war zone without the benefit of the long logistical tail, tons of equipment, and gaggle of support personnel that accompany most modern broadcast war correspondents. She just goes in alone with a translator or a guide, armed with a mission but without the trumpets and the fanfare. In 2001, Colvin lost her left eye when a Sri Lankan soldier fired a rocket propelled grenade at her while she was covering that country’s civil war. Badly injured and in need of medical assistance, she still trekked the jungle to meet her deadline.

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A year before, she barely made it out of Chechnya alive, crossing 14,000 foot mountains just to escape to Georgia. A year after Sri Lanka, she was being treated for post traumatic stress disorder. Then she went out into the field again. On that November evening, Colvin spoke of the important work done by those who go into harm’s way to tell the story of conflict, and to tell the story of people. Hers was a message that struck at the root of journalism and how, in the end, we all explore our world, no matter how dangerous or uncomfortable, in order to change it. But in many respects, it was Colvin herself, just by the mere act of standing there, who was already the clearest and dearest message of all.

“Despite all the videos you see from the Ministry of Defence or the Pentagon, and all the sanitised language describing smart bombs and pinpoint strikes, the scene on the ground has remained remarkably the same for hundreds of years. Craters. Burned houses. Mutilated bodies. Women weeping for children and husbands. Men for their wives, mothers children,” Colvin told an audience of journalists, newspaper editors, and families. “Our mission is to report these horrors of war with accuracy and without giving prejudice.”

“Journalists covering combat shoulder great responsibilities and face difficult choices,” she added. “Sometimes they pay the ultimate price. Tonight we honour the 49 journalists and support staff who were killed bringing the news to our shores.” “It has never been more dangerous to be a war correspondent, because the journalist in the combat zone has become a prime target,” she added. At no time do her words ring more true than now.

The murder of James Wright Foley by Islamic State (IS) militants earlier this month puts into sharper focus something that had long been felt and understood, although largely left unwritten and unsaid – somewhere along the way, the threshold had been crossed. Journalists are no longer observers who are, at times, caught and killed in a crossfire. In war, in conflict, in combat, journalists are, more and more, becoming targets, victims, sometimes even weapons of war.

JAMES FOLEY | Image from www.lavanguardia.com

Of course journalists have always been potential targets; the power of the written word has always been both a curse and a godsend. “In America, the President reigns for four years, and journalism governs forever and ever,” Oscar Wilde once said. More recently, Russian President Vladimir Putin, who used to head the KGB, was more straightforward: “Journalism, as concerns collecting information, differs little if at all from intelligence work. In my judgment, a journalist’s job is very interesting.”

Foley of course was not the first journalist to be targeted. Not even Daniel Pearl was the first. Pearl, the Wall Street Journal’s South Asia Bureau Chief, was beheaded by Al Qaeda militants in Pakistan in 2002. In the past, however, journalists were either victims of crossfire, or because specifically of what they wrote, or how they wrote a piece.

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But more and more, as states and non-state entities do battle online and in the field, journalists are now being targeted simply because of what they do and what they are – witnesses to war whose deaths would amplify the propaganda line. Pearl and Foley were not killed because of their writing; their deaths were meant as a message, as a weapon of propaganda, as a means of leverage.

To those who cover conflict, the message is clear – try as you might, you are not likely to be seen anymore as an observer or a neutral reporter. You may, in a manner of speaking, now be viewed as a combatant, an easy and soft target, who rushes to places that people are trying to leave, who fight for a seat aboard vehicles, ships, and airplanes going one way while everyone else is fighting for a seat in the OTHER direction. “We always ask ourselves whether the level of risk is worth the story. What is bravery and what is bravado?” Colvin asked.

The few war reporters who matter know that it is neither bravado nor bravery that drives these people forward. Bravery and bravado are for the war tourists, who jump from conflict to conflict looking for a quick adrenaline fix, with just enough time to get a nice selfie in the frontlines. To be sure, some war correspondents have adopted what almost appears to be a blasé attitude towards danger and death. But it is an appearance that misleads.

Anthony Loyd’s journey through war-torn Bosnia is chronicled in his book, My War Gone By, I Miss It So. Yet Loyd’s book is far from a longing for bloodshed and misery. It is a devastating condemnation of the first war he would cover, where he watches dogs fighting over a man’s brains on the roadside. Loyd would go on to cover more wars; more recently he was also held hostage by IS militants, and was deliberately shot in the legs to prevent his escape. Fortunately for him, he was rescued by another group of Syrian rebels from the Islamic Front.

Foley himself was also kidnapped before, in 2011, while covering events in Libya. He was held for 44 days before he was freed. His editors were hesitant to send him back to the field, but he insisted. “But he was chomping at the bit to be back in the field and wanted to be back in Libya. I really didn’t want him to, but there was no way to stop him,” said Phil Balboni, CEO of GlobalPost.

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ON ASSIGNMENT in Afghanistan | Photo courtesy of Ed D. Lingao

And so, Foley dove right back in. One year later, in 2012, Foley would again disappear but this time in Syria. He would only resurface in August this year, only this time to die in front of the entire world. Many war correspondents have difficulty explaining why they do it, why they persist in going back. Some even seem afraid to know the answer themselves.

Michael Herr, in his book Dispatches on his coverage of the Vietnam war, captured it perfectly when he wrote: “How many times did someone have to run in front of a machine gun before it became an act of cowardice?” “Why do I cover wars? I have been asked this often in the past week. It is a difficult question to answer. I did not set out to be a war correspondent.

It has always seemed to me that what I write about is humanity in extremis, pushed to the unendurable, and that it is important to tell people what really happens in wars – declared and undeclared,” Colvin explains.

Robert Fisk of The Independent writes with ambivalence of his profession, and how it makes one want and hate to be in the frontlines at the same time. More importantly, he writes of how overly romanticized war correspondence has become, how the adventures of journos have become more important than the lives of the people they cover.

We see this in the Philippines too. Too many people want to cover wars and firefights, when they should learn to cover first. Too many want to see death and destruction when they have no appreciation yet of life and its value. And far too many can identify the make and type of firearm and weaponry, yet cannot identify with the numbers of dead, wounded, and displaced.

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“My job is to bear witness,” Colvin said after her horrific injury in Sri Lanka. “I have never been interested in knowing what make of plane had just bombed a village or whether the artillery that fired at it was 120mm or 155mm.” “We have grown so used to the devil-may-care heroics of the movie version of “war” correspondents that they somehow become more important than the people about whom they report,” Fisk writes. “Hemingway supposedly liberated Paris – or at least Harry’s Bar – but does a single reader remember the name of any Frenchman who died liberating Paris?”

In the end, journalism, and more importantly, war reporting, is about reporting on the life of the ordinary man who is caught in conflict. His is the story people like Colvin, Fish, Herr, and Foley go to the ends of the earth to write about, and to die for.

Interestingly, Foley himself was also an “every man” of sorts. He was a former teacher, who found his way to journalism, and eventually found his way to conflict journalism. He was not a big-name correspondent or network anchor. He was a freelancer, someone who lived from day to day in the war zones, hoping that some media outfit would pick up the tab and pay for his next meal.

And so, in 2010, Colvin spoke of sacrifice and responsibility, of journalists driven by obsession to watch and observe the things that they in fact really hate to see. “Many of you here must have asked yourselves, or be asking yourselves now, is it worth the cost in lives, heartbreak, loss? Can we really make a difference?” Colvin asked the assembled crowd. “I faced that question when I was injured. In fact one paper ran a headline saying, has Marie Colvin gone too far this time? My answer then, and now, was that it is worth it.” Two years later, Colvin would be killed by a Syrian artillery shell in Homs, and buried in a shallow grave. And now, more than ever, her words ring true.

Palparan, the ‘weakling’ who wielded the iron fist

By Ed Lingao

THE MAN WHO, by his own account, was once considered “a weakling” who would not survive in the real world, had thought of himself as the necessary iron fist that would clear the country, not just of the communist New People’s Army, but of all militant organizations.

Jovito Salvaña Palparan Jr. was arrested by operatives of the National Bureau of Investigation in a dawn raid in Manila Tuesday morning, putting an end to a three-year manhunt for the man dubbed by militant groups as the Butcher of Central Luzon and Samar because of the extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances in the jurisdictions he was assigned to. He was also perceived as the architect of the all-out war of the administration of then President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo until his retirement as a Major General in September 2006.

CHECKMATE: General Jovito Palparan

CHECKMATE: General Jovito Palparan

Yet in separate interviews conducted with Palaparan at the height of the all-out war in 2006, Palparan painted himself as a curious study in contrasts, a man who was not afraid to be politically incorrect, and who was willing to put into words, in stark black and white, what some sectors in the military thought but would not dare say about the communist insurgency.

In those interviews, Palparan made no bones about his intention to “clear” his jurisdiction of all militant groups, “both armed and non-armed,” saying that these groups provided material and logistical support for an insurgency that has festered for more than four decades.

The man labelled by human rights groups as a butcher also said he is not even sure if he has personally killed any person in his 33 years in the military, even though many of those years were spent in some of the most bloody battlegrounds of the country. Palparan also claimed that he has never ordered the death of any specific person, although he acknowledges that his words provide the “guidance” that his men carry out.

“Kung ako lang ang masusunod, it should be a very decisive action against the movement,” Palaran said in an interview for the ABC-5 documentary State of War in 2006, when he was still commanding general of the 7th Infantry Division in Central Luzon. “There should be no militant organization existing in an area if it is already cleared, because they have no place na maloko nila ang tao.”

(If I had my way, it should be a very decision action against the movement. There should be no militant organization existing in an area if it is already cleared, because they have no place to fool people.)

Asked if he was responsible for extrajudicial killings of militant leaders in his area, Palaparan said he has no “direct responsibility.”

“Hindi ko aaminin ang direct responsibility,” he said in that interview. “Pero maari na because of my efforts and my aggressiveness and determination, at yung mga pronouncements ko, perhaps I could be responsible on that aspect.”

(I will not take direct responsibility. But perhaps because of my efforts and my aggressiveness and determination and my pronouncements, perhaps I could be responsible in that aspect.)

In another interview with Palparan by the defunct documentary show Frontlines on ABC-5 two months after his retirement in September 2006, Palparan expressed disappointment that he was not given a bigger role and a wider jurisdiction with which to practice what he preached.

“Kung nabigyan pa ako ng panahon na may command ako na malaki, sa tingin ko mas malaki pa ang magagawa ko,” he said. “I could have completely cleared Central Luzon. It took me six months to clear Samar.”

(If I had been given more time and a larger command, I think I could have done so much more. I could have completely cleared Central Luzon. It took me six months to clear Samar.)

Palparan is an advocate of aggressive, unequivocal, and determined action against perceived enemies of the state and their supporters, saying that this was actually the only way to minimize deaths.

“When you give all-out effort, ang result niyan is lesser casualties and lesser resources spent,” he said. “Ganyan ako, paspasan, todo-todo. Mas marami kang nasasave.”

(When you give all-out effort, the result is lesser casualties and lesser resources spent. That is my style, rush in, go all the way. You get to save more.)

Palaparan longed for the days when Republic Act No. 1700, the Anti-SUbversion Law, was still in effect, saying it allowed the government to be more aggressive in going after both armed and non-armed groups.

“Kung desidido sila, lahat ng involved, lahat ng cadre, pinagkukuha talaga yun, kinasuhan. They are punished. Both armed and non-armed. Yung educator nila, propagandist, kasama iyun,” he said.

(If they are determined, everyone involved, all the cadre would be picked up and charged. They are punished. Both armed and non-armed. They educators and propagandists are also included.)

Asked how government could possibly pick up and charge all militants, Palparan replied: “Then our coercive power of the state applies. We are the coercive power of the state. Kung loko-loko ka, matakot ka sa amin.” (If you are a troublemaker, be afraid of us.)

Palparan also expressed envy for other countries that have “complete control of the media,” saying it would have helped his cause.

“In other countries there is complete control of the media as far as terrorism and insurgency,” he said. “Bakit, nung time ni Marcos may complete control, It can happen.” (During the time of Marcos, there was complete control. It can happen.)

The man who redefined the image of the military in the Gloria Arroyo years was not even a graduate of the state’s military school, the Philippine Military Academy. Palaparan joined the military through the Reserved Officers Training Course or ROTC. Before that, Palparan relates, he was perceived by many as a weakling.

“Ang tingin kasi nila, parang weakling ako, parang hindi ako survivor,” Palparan says. (They saw me as a weakling, someone who is not a survivor.)

In his eyes, Palparan says the one event that truly defined his character and mindset was his experience in the battlefields of Mindanao.

In 1973, fresh off his ROTC, Palparan was given command of the 24th Infantry Battalion, the Wildcats, in Jolo, Sulu. It was the height of the Moro rebellion, and Palaparan and his men would be scarred by the things they saw and did in the jungles of Sulu. It was a camaraderie forged in fire. In fact, whenever Palparan would visit the housing compound for his old men from Jolo in Taguig city, his old soldiers would all come out to greet him and recall those hairy days.

“Yung radio operator ko, namatay katabi ko,” Palparan recalls. “Sigaw ng sigaw, Nanaaayy! Hindi na umabot ng umaga.” (My radio operator died beside me. He was shouting for his mother. He died before dawn.)

Palparan recalls losing an entire platoon, more than 30 men, in an encounter. Sometimes, he would have to kick or beat his men who would refuse to fight because they were terrified. For every five men he commanded, two would go home in body bags. Palaparan would spend the next eight years fighting in Jolo and Basilan.

During one such visit, Palparan and his old men talked about some of the atrocities committed in that conflict, apparently forgetting the videocamera that was there to document their reunion.

“Tinatanggal namin ang tenga, tinutuhog namin iyan,” one of Palparan’s old soldiers volunteered during that reunion. “Meaning, number ng patay iyan. Pero hindi namin kinakain.”

(We would remove the ears and string them up. That means the number of dead enemies. But we don’t eat that.)

Palparan said this was practiced because some commanders would cheat on the “body count” of enemy dead. He said the practice was eventually stopped. However, Palparan acknowledged that there was a time that they would even collect heads. “Kaya inaano ang tenga… pero hininto rin iyan! Dahil pag nagreport ng casualty, yung body count dinadaya. Pag may mga tenga kang dala… nung una nga ulo eh.”

(The reason we take ears… but we eventually stopped it! The casualty reports, the body counts were being rigged. If you have ears… at first, we used heads.”

In the end, Palparan said he was very conscious of the fact that there were many people after his head, especially from the New People’s Army. To this threat, Palparan displayed a mix of fatalism and bravado.

“Pag pumunta ako sa lugar, sigurado ako na walang papatay sa akin diyan,” he said. “Kasi siguro, ang papatay sa akin, patay na.”

(If I go to a place, I am certain that no one there will kill me. Maybe that is because the man who will kill me is already dead.)